Following is the old report. Click here for the December 1996 report of the activities following the establishing of the Legaline. Check out the updates.
Croatia has ratified many international treaties that commit
signatory governments to action to improve the condition and
position of women. The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia,
(article 14) guarantees equality, freedom and dignity to all
citizens regardless of sex, religion, and nationality. The
Constitution also states that ratified international treaties
become a part of the State legal system and have the power of
law.
B.a.B.e., the group for the protection and promotion of women's
human rights, wishes that such progressive legal documents were a
foundation for the Government to take a firm stand against gender
discrimination and to ensure real equal opportunities and not
just formal equality for women.
Unfortunately the Government of the Republic of Croatia does not
display commitment to the ideals behind the progressive legal
documents and treaties that it has sworn to obey. These documents
often represent little more than decorative public relations
pieces to convince the international community that Croatia is a
liberal democracy. In the gap between law, principles and
practice, women confront problems in attaining full recognition
and enjoyment of all rights and freedoms to which they are
entitled.
In reality, women's full participation in the various spheres of
cultural, political and economic life is threatened by the
conservative policies of the ruling party and its leaders,
certain members of parliament, media, church leaders and some
professional groups who seek to restrict women to domestic roles.
Labor, Healthcare and Social Security laws are being proposed
that will endanger women's economic independence, health, and
reproductive freedom.
The public political domain, in practice, is defined and
controlled by men who do not address issues of central concern to
women, while political parties, public workers and state
institutions ignore sex-related discrimination in all fields -
political, economic, social, educational, and cultural.
There is little public acknowledgment or debate about the impact
of war, and political and economic upheaval on women and other
groups of citizens whose economic, psychological, or social
living conditions are precarious and demand special attention. We
are witnesses to an increase in gender-based violence - wife
battery, rape and female sexual slavery - within the social
context of strong militarization of masculinity with a
corresponding domestication of femininity that is veiled by the
patriarchal bias toward the inviolable privacy of the family.
In this report we present a few illustrative examples of these
trends:
In summer-autumn 1992 the local media, politicians, respected
experts and public figures focused public attention on reports of
the sexual violence and torture of women in Bosnia and
Hercegovina by Serbian soldiers. Women's accounts of violation
were often discussed and reported in a sensational and explicit
manner with the purpose of political and national propaganda and
deepening of war hatred. The Government initially did little to
provide primary care to the women refugees and survivors of war
crimes. Local non-governmental women's groups and organizations,
and international agencies met the greatest share of providing
material, medical and psychological support.
During and immediately after the aggression against Croatia many
widows and women in families with a missing member were glorified
as 'Homeland Heroines' and sent around the world on patriotic
diplomatic missions. The pain and justified rage felt by these
women were exploited for political and propaganda purposes while
over time the Government did not provide them with appropriate
psychological, social, or material support, or satisfy their
demands to get exact information on missing family members. The
ruling party, the Croatian Democratic Union, used their majority
position in the Parliament to stop this group of women from
presenting their demands and concerns in Parliament in December
1994.
Under the militarization of society and the presence of UNPROFOR
we have witnessed a visible growth in the sexual exploitation of
women in the form of increased organized prostitution and
sexualized entertainment businesses. The trafficking of women and
female sexual slavery of women from ex-socialist countries
Ukraine, Slovakia, Russia and Poland is present in Croatia. The
law enforcement system in Croatia has taken some action against
these exploitative practices but for reasons of financial control
and the "protection of morality." Action has not been taken to
condemn such practices, to prevent this ill treatment of women or
to provide adequate protection and support services. In some
cases, the media presents the owners of such "recreation and
entertainment" businesses as successful local entrepreneurs.
Prostitution is written and talked about as another "market and
civilization phenomenon," its "liberalization" and legalization
is demanded publicly, while the deep social and economic causes
and patriarchal essence of this form of exploitation and
degradation of women are not being addressed and remain
invisible.
In January 1994 a parliamentary committee was initiated to draft
a new Family Law that is advised by a special Commission composed
exclusively of male state officials and clergymen. There has been
no public discussion of this committee's recommendations and
union's and local NGO's cannot get a draft of the new law. In
October 1994 the Government accepted the suggestion of a male
member of the ruling party to establish a state "Institute for
the Protection of Family, Maternity, and Youth". Arguments in
support of the Institute included the negative demographic
trends, decline in birth rate and marriages, "too many"
abortions, disintegration of the family, and drifting morality.
Such argumentation reflects the Government's concentration on
defining women's role through family and motherhood and suggests
that we cannot expect the Parliament to introduce legislation
that takes positive action to eradicate gender discrimination.
Among the approximately 380,000 refugees and displaced persons
living in Croatia, 80% are women and children. Living conditions
and social care for all of them is inadequate. Women who seek
refuge from armed conflict often find themselves vulnerable to
intimidation, exploitation, and physical and sexual abuse.
Refugees from Bosnia who are not Croatian citizens do not have
the right to work, or to legal protection, and do not have access
to a wide range of social services. There is a general lack of
public awareness of the protective treaties and international
human rights of refugees. Refugees and displaced persons in
Croatia are often subject to manipulation and political
instrumentalization from political officials. There is no visible
action by the Government or broader public action to address the
systemic problems faced by women refugees including violations of
their rights. Only women's groups are addressing the special
needs of refugee women.
Women and children comprise the majority of citizens who have
been evicted from their flats under a process that is actually
aknowledged as being illegal, and which has been questioned by
the Constitutional court. In the course of evictions, Croatian
policemen and soidiers sometimes use extreme physical force,
gender and ethnically based harassment and intimidation. It is
not publicly known whether the police or armed services have
taken disciplinary action against these men. In tolerating this
manner of evictions the Croatian government again displays the
gap between international human rights conventions and their
actual application in the daily Iives of women in Croatia.
In his report on the State of the Nation before the Parliament in
December 1994, the President of Croatia announced a strong State
action for demographic renewal and cessation of the decreasing
birth rate. He mentioned the need to restrict abortion in the
context of "the protection of the rights of the unborn," and
proposed financial incentives so that motherhood could be
considered as a profession for women who would give birth to more
than two children. Cardinal Kuharic praised similar values in his
Christmas message when he spoke of abortion as sin and of women
who have abortions as "cruel murderers." Both of these public
appearances may be a signal of impending criminalization of
abortion thereby rescinding women's fundamental right to control
her fertility with maximum choice and minimum health problems.
The idea of a Government paying and providing professional status
to women for bearing children is unknown in the world but can
easily be recognized as a strategy of social, economic and
political subordination of and discrimination against women.
Women's growing social marginalization and disappearance from
public life indicates that the multi-party elections and formal
processes of democratization do not automatically establish
equality between men and women, or lead to the improvement in the
condition and position of women. Despite evidence of ingrained
sexual discrimination the Republic of Croatia has not, to date,
shown interest or recognized the need to take positive action to
address specific concerns and problems in order to improve the
status of women.
December, 1996
Report on the Activities of Legaline
- a telephone service providing legal advise to women
Since 1994 the regular courts in the Republic of Croatia has limited the
right to free legal aid to clients. In 1995 the government eliminated
this right all together. As a result free legal representation is only
available to individuals by members of the Bar Association who agree to
take on the work on a pro bono basis. People eligible for pro bono work
must be "socially underprivileged" as defi ned by the Bar Association,
and produce the supporting relevant documents.
According to B.a.B.e.'s evaluation, there are many women, while they do
not fall within the definition of "socially underprivileged" are
nonetheless unable to afford a lawyer. Often these women do not have the
skills to represent their own interests and therefore are unable to
protect their rights and interests. Therefore, in 1994, B.a.B.e. was
established and started Legaline, a project to provide free legal advise
to women.
The primary objective is to provide telephone advise to women about
their rights and advise as to methods to protect and act on their these
rights. A second objective is to educate women and provide information
on how to represent themselves and obtain further information from
relevant sources such as state institutions, womenĘs groups and human
rights organizations.
B.a.B.e. also provides lists of women lawyers who are skilled in dealing
with womenĘs legal issues. For women who are unable to pay, Legaline
offers some free legal representation.B.a.B.e. has contacted all women
attorneys in Zagreb and twenty percent of them have agreed, in the case
of need to represent women free of charge or to represent them for a
reduced fee. This is an encouraging number , given that there are no
womenĘs initiatives within the profession. The women attorneys are
developing a network of lawyers who are prepared to devote their
attention to womenĘs legal and human rights cases.
A further objective of the Legaline project is to review and identify
the deficiencies in Croatian laws as they relate to women by examining
the telephone calls made by women to the Legaline. On the basis of
problems complained of, the B.a.B.e. team can evaluate the limitations
of the Croatian legal system and advocate for changes which would
protect and promote women rights.
Since its initiation, Legaline has received approximately 500 phonecalls
per year. In most cases women inquire with several questions. During the
first six months of Legaline's operation, the majority of the telephone
calls from women related to violence they were subjected to, most often
by their partner. The violence was generally within the context of a
joint household and hidden from the publi c eye. None of the calls were
related to the work place. In almost all cases the violence was over a
prolonged period, some as long as 15 to 20 years. All women reported
verbal abuse in the form of insults, cursing, shouting, threats, often
escalating into physical assaults which in some cases resulted in the
infliction of serious bodily harm. Few of the women had reported the
violence before to a nyone in authority and many had never spoken of it
to anyone.
When asked why they had not reported the violence to the police, to the
courts, to their doctor or social service center, most women indicated
that they were afraid. They were afraid that the perpetuator would
become more violent, they were afraid they may be killed, they were also
ashamed that they had been victimized and finally they did not trust the
institutions to deal with the problem. Tho se that had reported violence
complaints to the police were not taken seriously. Officers did not want
to intervene because it was a private matter between spouses. The police
did not want to respond to the complaint until something happens.
The police, when they did receive a complaint, often did not inform the
relevant bodies. And, when a charge was finally brought, it was brought
before the Court for minor offenses which fined both the victim and
assailant for disturbing the public peace and order.Women rarely report
violence to the District Attorney. The reasons they cite for this are as
follows: the ineffectiveness of the prolo nged and often exhausting
judicial proceedings, their lack of belief that anything positive change
will flow from the exercise. Compounding this problem is the apparent
lack of understanding that the judicial system - both from the
perspective of the judges and the lawyers have for the issue of violence
against women.
For similar reasons women rarely report to social services. Women do not
feel that social workers are trained to deal with violence against women
and they do not have the tools or mechanisms in place to protect women
from violence in the home.
If women complain to anyone, it is often to a physician. Under the
existing law, a physician must submit a criminal report against the
perpetuator of violence. For this reason, women may not disclose how the
injuries occurred. However, even when they do, many women indicated that
physicians often fail to report the crime. Also, as with the other
professionals mentioned above physicians demonstrate
little if any sensitivity to women who suffer from domestic violence.
Finally, many women decline to institute criminal proceedings in the
case of domestic violence because of the nature of the assault. It
usually takes place in private where there are no witnesses. Women are
fearful that they can not prove what happened - it is his word against
theirs, and they will be made to look a fool or worse. If there are any
witnesses normally they are his friends and they will protect him or
simply refuse to testify. Many women, when asked why they did not take
the matter to court will respond that their partner has good connections
in the legal system and nothing would come of it.
Conclusion:
It is clear from above that the legal system consistently fails to
protect women from violence. Many forms of violence against women in the
home, or in public are not treated as criminal acts by the criminal code
of the Republic of Croatia. For example, according to the Criminal Code
it would be difficult to characterize as violence against women
insulting forms of address, disdainful behavior to wards women,
shouting, threats, or curses. Furthermore, stalking, telephone
harassment, sexual harassment are not even contemplated as criminal.
Forbidding women to leave their homes, communicate with friends or
relatives, expression of dissatisfaction by threats or the forbidding of
women to accept employment are not acknowledged by the legislation to be
violence against women.
The only crimes defined by the criminal code which can be applied to
domestic violence cases are insult, assault and battery. However, the
legislation prescribes a civil suit as the appropriate remedy. The costs
of a civil suit are borne by the plaintiff and it is almost impossible
to imagine how a civil suit could provide any fair or just resolution in
the case of domestic violence. A further a nd aggravating circumstance
is the exceptionally long and complex nature of the proceedings. Even in
those rare cases where a woman may instigate criminal proceedings
against the perpetrator, the time bar often expires prior to the
finalization of the case. Added to the procedural problems is the
workload of the first degree court and the absence of a separate court
to deal with issues of domestic
violence. The net result is a systemic failure of the judicial system
to effectively address the issue of violence against women.
Divorce
Divorce is often linked to domestic violence. The process of divorce
commences with reconciliation attempt through a Social Service Centre.
The reconciliation attempt is mandatory in all cases except when the
parties do not have minor children, either of their own, adopted or
where children of whom parental rights have been extended and the
parties have agreed to a divorce. If the reconciliation a ttempt is
unsuccessful, the women would file her divorce action in the court of
first instance.
The divorce resolves all questions concerning the dissolution of the
marriage, custody, including care and upbringing of the children, access
to the children and support payments for the spouse. In deciding to
initiate a divorce, women have expressed fear that their spouse may
react with violence against them or their children or simply take the
children away from the woman.
A further difficulty lies in the high cost of the process which in the
first instance the plaintiff must pay, with little probability she will
ever recover her costs. The divorce process will last on average one to
two years.An abusive spouse often reacts aggressively when confronted
with a divorce petition. In many cases the women with her children are
forced by their husband to leave their ap artment. There is no legal
mechanism to grant the woman exclusive possession of the matrimonial
home pending the divorce proceedings. Women often encounter great
resistance from their spouse which may include threats to the children's
safety, threats to take the children away from her, allegations in court
that she is an unfit mother and hence not capable to have custody of the
children. A common
complaint from women is the husbands who have access to the children
under an access agreement with Social Service Centre is that either the
children are neglected or left with his parents. The other common
complaint is that the children are kept longer than was allowed for
under the access agreement. Women report that even in court custody
disputes which they ultimately win they are reduced to a
e cannot be issued without both parties being heard in court.
The Act on Marriage and Family Relation provide that social workers
should represent the interests of the children in a divorce proceeding.
The Social Service Centers should provide their opinions on which parent
should be granted custody and access. Women have complained that Social
Service Centers lack the experience and understanding of the issues in
relation to domestic violence to provide such opinions. The Centers have
proposed access in cases where the father have been violent to her or
the children or is suffering from serious mental illness and one case
permitted access in a situation where the husband had tried to kill both
himself and the child.
Child support
When children are involved, the courts issue a decision on alimony in
all cases. The decision is made on the basis of the child' s needs and
the ability of both parents to support it. Other support obligations and
additional earning opportunities are also taken into consideration. The
parent who has not been given custody is obligated to pay a fixed
percentage of the monthly salary as alimony. If the person concerned
does not have fixed monthly income, the alimony is set to a fixed
percentage of the minimum wage in the Republic of Croatia. In order to
protect the child' s interests, the court is authorized to set an amount
higher than the amount applied for. Usually, between 20 and 30 per cent
of the salary is payable for each child, or 70 to 100 per cent of the
minimum wage in the Republi c Croatia. We always recommend that women
seek a fixed percentage of the minimum wage because the amount in
question can be precisely determined every month. In cases in which a
percentage of actual salary is awarded, there have been cases where the
parent simply stops working, rendering the award worthless or cases
where the parent takes a private job and reports lower earnings than
actually rece
Support for a marriage partner
An award can be issued by the court during the divorce proceedings for
alimony to be paid for the support of one of the marriage partners. This
occurs where the partner seeking such support cannot find employment; or
is not capable of working; and has no income; or has no property which
could be a source of income.Women have often stayed at home to care for
children and the household during the course of the marriage. When the
marriage breaks down these women often find themselves working outside
the home for the first time in their life. The employment that is
available to them is usually low paying with the result that they have
less money to contribute to a pension over a much shorter time. These
women have few prospects other than poverty. The system does not
recognize and compensate
women for the work they had performed in the home by raising the
children and maintaining the household.
Division of Property
Parallel with divorce, or after it has been finalized, there is a
regular process for division of joint property. In cases where the
parties cannot reach decision, either party can file a claim for the
division of the property of the marriage with the court.This court
process has complex probative proceedings. Namely, the matrimonial
property is divided according to the contribution of each of t he
parties in the attainment of joint property. The joint property of the
parties comprises all the property they have attained during the
marriage by work.
The process of dividing property can also be started during the
marriage. It is often the case that women are forced to leave the family
home when divorce proceedings are instituted. The husband may transfer
joint property to hide or conceal it. In such cases, the woman can ask
the court to issue a prior injunction banning the transfer of the joint
property and/or to ask that her personal chatte ls be delivered to her.
Both these measures are difficult to enforce due to shortcomings of the
executing process (see page 7). Women are often not informed of their
rights regarding joint property. Often their husbands assure them that
he is sole owner since the property is in his name and he paid for it
with his income. Many women may not appreciate that the law provides
that all property of the
marriage is joint property regardless of whose name it is in. Women are
deemed to have contributed to the joint property of the marriage by
caring for children and maintaining the household.
A new proposal in the Act on Marriage and Family relations envisions
that the joint property of married couples shall be divided equally. It
remains unclear whether it will be possible to prove entitlement to a
different share.
The claim for division of the martial property is almost always
submitted by the woman because women are generally forced to leave the
house upon filing a divorce. In regards to the car, the practice is that
the husband keeps it, as, after all the car was his anyway!.The court
costs for such suits are very high, and further depend on the value of
the joint property. If the woman is dissatisfi ed with the decision of
the first instance, she has to pay an equally high amount for the
appeal. And in this case, too, it is difficult to ensure the refunding
of her costs. The legal procedure in question is very complex. Normally
she would need assistance of a lawyer, which causes the costs for such
cases well to exceeded the paying capabilities of most women.
Enforced Execution
In reality, after a long civil procedure women can end up with a court
decision which leaves her powerless: a court orders alimony to be paid,
but he refuses to pay; the joint property has been divided, but he
remains in the sole possession of the property; the court issues an
eviction order against him, but he remains on the property. At the end
of each proceeding, the defendant has been ordered to refund the costs
incurred to the plaintiff, but he pays nothing.
In such cases a process of enforced execution follows, which is set in
motion at the request of the plaintiff in civil proceedings. The
plaintiff now has a new role - that of a creditor. Naturally, in this
process, too, all the costs are borne in advance by the creditor, and
later, if the court sees justification, it will decide in her favor and
order the debtor to refund them to her. If debtor does not refund the
costs incurred, the court may order the debtor to pay the costs of the
executive procedure. If the debtor still does not cover the costs, the
women may institute yet another process of execution. And so on, ad
infinitum.
Court tariffs in executive procedure are half those incurred in civil
proceedings, but only at first glance. Half the tariff payable on the
original claim is payable for the claim for execution, but the other
half has to be paid with issue of the decision on execution which is
made at the very beginning of the process. In the end the executive
procedure amounts to the same costs as the civil pro cedure. The debtor
in executive procedure has at his disposal almost unlimited recourses to
delay, and to evade a legally effective and enforceable court verdict!
He can enter objections almost interminably. He can also enter
objections without any proof that he has paid out the creditor in full.
As the court in executive procedure is not authorized to discuss the
facts which have arisen after issue of the civil judgment, but only in
civil procedure, the debtor then has to enter a new civil procedure in
order to prove facts.
The debtor has various ways to hide the property which is subject to the
executive procedure, and thus outwit the court and the creditor (who
knows that this is not real state of affairs, but is powerless to prove
it). Such deceits can also result in discontinuation of the process.
In one case a husband threw his wife out of the house. She brought a
suit against him for trespass, was successful in her claim - received
judgment in her favor - and he was ordered to hand over the house keys.
He did so, but in the meantime placed locks on all doors inside the
house, so that she could enter only the passageway. The woman had to
bring a new suit and the procedure had to be conduct ed again from the
very beginning.
The sharp rise in the number of calls connected with labor law commenced
after the new Labor Act came into force (January 1, 1996). Because of
the privatization process and new regulations in the field of labor law,
women have been experiencing less security regarding their jobs and
economic situation in general.
There were a number of calls received from women employed by private
employers, complaining that some of their basic rights were being denied
to them, such as the right to weekly rest days and annual leave for the
prescribed length. But they do not dare to do anything for fear that
they will be fired. In some cases women who are employed by private
employers are being paid less than was mutually
agreed when they took the job in question.
Generally, practice is that women are registered at the minimum wage, so
that the payroll taxes will be minimal. As a result women will be
entitled to only minimum pensions. Further there is a growing trend for
private employers not to register at all, and consequently their workers
are left with no rights whatsoever.
A large number of calls relate to the rights arising from pregnancy and
maternity leave, particularly in connection with remuneration of salary
during this period, and to Mother Nurturer rights. Under the new Labor
Act a woman with four of more children has status as Mother Nurturer and
is entitled to certain benefits such as: salary, health and disability
protection and recognition of working y ears in lieu. However, while
these benefits have been enacted there are no corresponding budgetary
provision of the funds to implement them.
Generally, the new Labor Act gives women -and mothers in particular-
ostensibly increased protection and benefits, such as maternity leave
until the child is in the third year, Mother Nurturers' salaries and job
protection. In practice, however, these rights fixed by law are
difficult to realize. Furthermore, such rights only make it more
difficult for women to find employment and achieve economic
independence. Employers do not want to employ women who will be absent
from work as Mother Nurturers with the employer being left responsible
for her benefits. The new Labor Act also gives employers increased
authority regarding dismissal of workers. This has intimidated working
women and placed real limits on their ability to object to their
employer labor practices and their ability to grieve any violations of
their labor rights including complaints of sexual harassment in the
work place. The Labor Act makes no provision for protection of women
from sexual harassment, coercion and molestation in the work place.
There are also no mechanisms built into Act by which women are ensured
equal opportunities in employment and professional promotion,
advancement or training.
The enforcement of labor rights is in the regular court way of a suit,
and labor disputes are treated in the same way as any other civil
procedure, with the exception that there are no court tariffs on cases
of this type.
A tariff is payable in all court procedures: civil, extra-judiciary,
criminal, administrative, entry into court registers, enforced
settlements proceedings, and bankruptcy and liquidation proceedings.
Tariffs are payable on almost all applications to the courts: including
suits and legal remedies as well as proposals for undertaking some
process actions, court settlements and other actions before the courts.
The Act provides the court will not hear cases for which court tariffs
have not been paid.In October, 1995 the new Act on Court Tariffs
drastically increased the tariffs payable. Prior to October, 1995 the
lowest court tariff payable amounted to Kunas 300 (app. 90 DEM) and the
highest was Kunas 450 (app. 130 DEM). This is in sharp contrast to the
new tariffs which sets lowest tariff at Kunas 100 (app. 30 DEM) and the
highest at Kunas 10 000 (app. 3.000 DEM).
The Act provides for exemptions from the payment of tariffs if you fall
into one of the following categories: the Republic of Croatia and state
authorities; persons and bodies acting with public authorization;
employees and labor disputes; war invalids; the wives, children and
parents of those killed defending Croatia; those missing and taken as
prisoners of war; displaced persons and refugees; ho lders of social
assistance entitlement cards; humanitarian organizations and
organizations which are engaged in the protection of the disabled and
families of those who died, and missing and/or taken prisoner during the
performances of humanitarian activities; and, foreign states if
contemplated by international treaties or under a condition of
reciprocities.
The court may further exempt other parties from the payment of tariffs
in which cases where the party's income is below a certain level
determined on the basis of a certificate issued by the Tax
Administration Department of the Ministry of Finance and on that
declarations made by the party that neither she or her spouse own
property or a motor vehicle which is less than five years old.
The system of court tariffs organized in this way puts many women in a
position which they are unable to assert their rights before a court.
Civil proceedings filed for the determination of the division of martial
property are usually filed by women as the plaintiff. Thus it is the
woman who is obliged in advance to pay the tariffs, notwithstanding she
may have been thrown out of her apartment, sometimes without means of
support and often with children. As these proceeding are usually relate
to the division of real property and as the plaintiff claims that she is
the joint owner of the real property together with her husband she is
not entitled to an exemption from payment of the court tariff, because
she does not fulfill the requirement of the Act that she not be the
owner of real prope rty.
Furthermore, in any civil procedure or execution procedure related to
property of any considerable value, the court tariff itself normally
exceeds the average monthly salary of a citizen of the Republic of
Croatia and almost always the monthly income of most Croatian women.
In our opinion the fact that the Act does not include exempt from
payment of court tariffs, minors who take part in the proceedings and
women with low income who file divorce and property claims is one the
Acts' omissions and shortcomings.
The tariffs set for both private claims in criminal proceedings and for
court decisions and legal remedies clearly deter women from approaching
the courts and severely restricting what access women may have to the
judicial system to adjudicate their claims and thereby limiting women
rights to participate meaningfully within a civil and democratic
society.
Any more recent update on the Status of Women in Croatia may be obtained by contacting:
Vesna KesicPolitics
Chauvinism
In Spring 1992 the Ministry for Renewal established a Department
for Demographic Renewal under the control of a Catholic priest
who was well known for his extreme nationalism, chauvinism and
radical conservative attitudes toward women and family. The
government Program for Demographic and Spiritual Renewal proposed
MOTHERHOOD as the highest vocation and profession for women.
Strategies developed to raise the "ethnically clean" birth rate
in Croatia proposed social service incentives to women to give
birth to more than three children. The protest of liberal press,
women's groups, and international pressure succeeded in getting
this department removed from direct government control. This
priest subsequently established a quasi-NGO, the 'Croatian
Populist Movement', that is supported by leading national
politicians Iincluding the Presidentl and intellectuals. The
state Fund for Privatization enabled this quasi-NGO to take
ownership of a small printing factory, illustrating that its
activities continue to be favored by the Government.
Sexual Violence
Propaganda
Prostitution
Family Law
Refugees
Evictions
Abortion
LEGAL STATUS OF WOMEN IN CROATIA
OBJECTIVES OF THE LEGALINE PROJECT:
REPORT ON TELEPHONE CALLS TO LEGALINE:(October 1994- July 1996)
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
FAMILY LAW
ALIMONY
LABOR LAW
COURT COSTS AND TARIFFS
B.a.B.e., Women's Human Rights Group
Prilaz Gjure Dezelica 26/II
10 000 Zagreb, Croatia
tel: +385 1 274 974
tel/fax: +385 1 276 610
e-mail: babe@zamir.net